{"id":47965,"date":"2020-07-06T11:30:58","date_gmt":"2020-07-06T10:30:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/?p=47965"},"modified":"2020-07-06T12:16:31","modified_gmt":"2020-07-06T11:16:31","slug":"mary-ford-neal-health-professionals-rights-at-risk-when-parliament-debates-domestic-abuse-bill","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/2020\/07\/06\/mary-ford-neal-health-professionals-rights-at-risk-when-parliament-debates-domestic-abuse-bill\/","title":{"rendered":"Mary Ford Neal: Health professionals\u2019 rights at risk when Parliament debates Domestic Abuse Bill"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-38773\" src=\"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/files\/2017\/03\/Mary_Neal.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"160\" height=\"160\" srcset=\"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/files\/2017\/03\/Mary_Neal.jpg 160w, https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/files\/2017\/03\/Mary_Neal-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\" \/>Today (Monday 6\u00a0July) Parliament will consider proposed amendments to the Domestic Abuse Bill. One of the proposed amendments\u2014New Clause 29 (NC 29)\u2014has the potential to eradicate the statutory right of health professionals to opt out of participating in abortion up to 24 weeks, a right that has existed in this country for over 50 years.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The relevant part of NC 29 reads:<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u201cAmendment of criminal law in relation to termination of pregnancy<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">(1) The Offences Against the Person Act 1861 is amended as follows.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">(2) Sections 58 (administering drugs or using instruments to procure abortion) and<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">59 (procuring drugs, etc, to cause abortion) are repealed.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">To understand the effect of this on the statutory right of conscientious objection in section 4 of the Abortion Act 1967, we must start from the judgment of the UK Supreme Court in the case of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Greater Glasgow Health Board v Doogan <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">[2014] UKSC 68. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doogan<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> concerned the scope of the right to opt out under section 4.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Section 4 provides: \u201cno person shall be under any duty\u2026to participate in any treatment authorised by this Act<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400\">to which he has a conscientious objection.\u201d In Doogan, the Supreme Court held that \u201ctreatment authorised by this Act\u201d means treatment \u201cmade lawful by\u201d the Act.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Abortion is a prima facie crime in England and Wales, under sections 58 and 59 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861, and (after viability) under the Infant Life Preservation Act 1929.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The 1967 Act made abortion lawful (\u201cauthorised\u201d it) in certain circumstances. NC 29 proposes to repeal the sections of the 1861 Act that make abortion criminal, but to leave the 1929 Act in place (for now).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">So how this would affect the statutory right to conscientious objection in section 4? Since <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doogan <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">established that section 4 only covers what is \u201cauthorised\u201d by the 1967 Act, the question is: what abortion <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">would<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> still be \u201cauthorised by the 1967 Act\u201d if NC 29 is accepted?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The answer is that abortion before 24 weeks would no longer be \u201cauthorised\u201d by the 1967 Act, but abortion after 24 weeks would. Abortion after 24 weeks would still be a prima facie crime (under the 1929 Act, which would still be in place), but abortion before 24 weeks would no longer be a prima facie crime (sections 58 and 59 of the 1861 having been repealed) so would require no \u201cauthorisation\u201d from the 1967 Act (or any other source).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Following the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Doogan <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">decision that only abortion \u201cauthorised\u201d by the 1967 Act is covered by the right to conscientiously object, this would mean that the right no longer applied to abortion before 24 weeks, so health professionals would no longer have the statutory right to opt out of participating in the majority of abortions. Conscientious objection would be available <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">only <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">in relation to abortions <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">after<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 24 weeks\u20140.1% of abortions in England and Wales in 2018.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Another odd\u2014and presumably unwanted\u2014consequence of NC 29 would be that the 1967 Act would still \u201cauthorise\u201d abortion up to 24 weeks in Scotland, but not England or Wales, because sections 58 and 59 of the 1861 Act never applied in Scotland, and their repeal would make no difference there. Thus, while health professionals in England and Wales had the statutory right removed in all but 0.1% of cases, their colleagues in Scotland would continue to benefit from it as before.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">No one should be reassured by the fact that professional guidance documents also make provision for conscientious objection; this is no substitute for a statutory right. For one thing, the content of such documents is not law, and is no compensation for the peremptory erasure of a longstanding legal right. Most importantly, however, freedom of conscience is simply too important to be left to the &#8220;gift&#8221; of professional governing bodies. Fundamental rights and freedoms should be the remit of Parliament, not of professions who are ultimately unaccountable to the public.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">To be clear, I am not suggesting that stripping away professionals\u2019 conscience rights is the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">intention<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of those proposing NC 29.\u00a0 Rather, this seems like an oversight, albeit one that reflects a worryingly casual attitude to the rights of health professionals. In any case, the goal of decriminalising abortion is achievable <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">without<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> eviscerating professionals\u2019 existing rights, by introducing a purpose-built decriminalisation Bill that includes a conscience clause, and letting Parliament debate all parts of the Bill properly.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Mary Neal<\/strong> is a reader and Deputy Head of the Law School (Policy &amp; Practice), <em>University of Strathclyde in Glasgow, researching and teaching medical law and ethics with a particular focus on beginning and end of life issues and rights of conscientious objection. She is a current member of the BMA Medical Ethics Committee.<\/em><\/em><\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Competing interests<\/strong>: None declared.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Today (Monday 6\u00a0July) Parliament will consider proposed amendments to the Domestic Abuse Bill. One of the proposed amendments\u2014New Clause 29 (NC 29)\u2014has the potential to eradicate the statutory right of [&#8230;]<\/p>\n<p><a class=\"btn btn-secondary understrap-read-more-link\" href=\"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/2020\/07\/06\/mary-ford-neal-health-professionals-rights-at-risk-when-parliament-debates-domestic-abuse-bill\/\">More&#8230;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":41985,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[223],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-47965","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-guest-bloggers"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Mary Ford Neal: Health professionals\u2019 rights at risk when Parliament debates Domestic Abuse Bill - The BMJ<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/2020\/07\/06\/mary-ford-neal-health-professionals-rights-at-risk-when-parliament-debates-domestic-abuse-bill\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Mary Ford Neal: Health professionals\u2019 rights at risk when Parliament debates Domestic Abuse Bill - The BMJ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Today (Monday 6\u00a0July) Parliament will consider proposed amendments to the Domestic Abuse Bill. 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