{"id":39258,"date":"2017-06-20T09:10:28","date_gmt":"2017-06-20T08:10:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/?p=39258"},"modified":"2017-06-23T11:35:56","modified_gmt":"2017-06-23T10:35:56","slug":"richard-smith-jimmy-reid-on-alienation-in-1972-a-great-speech","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.bmj.com\/bmj\/2017\/06\/20\/richard-smith-jimmy-reid-on-alienation-in-1972-a-great-speech\/","title":{"rendered":"Richard Smith: Jimmy Reid on alienation in 1972\u2014a great speech"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"richard_smith_2014\"<\/a>When I read the paragraph that follows I thought how it accurately sums up how many people feel in 2017 and explains the political upheavals of 2016. But it was said in 1972 when Jimmy Reid, a leader of Clydeside shipworkers, was elected rector of Glasgow University<\/a>. Some, with understandable excess, have called it the greatest political speech since Gettysburg.<\/p>\n

\u201cAlienation is the precise and correctly applied word for describing the major social problem in Britain today. People feel alienated by society. In some intellectual circles it is treated almost as if it is a new phenomenon. It has, however, been with us for years. What I believe to be true is that today it is more widespread, more pervasive than ever before. Let me right at the outset define what I mean by alienation. It is the cry of the men who feel themselves the victims of blind economic forces beyond their control. It is the frustration of ordinary people excluded from the processes of decision making. The feeling of despair and hopelessness that pervades people who feel with justification that they have no say in shaping or determining their own destinies.\u201d<\/p>\n

The whole document is remarkable and well worth reading. I was a student in Edinburgh in 1972, aware of Reid, and like him an ex-communist. But I didn\u2019t know his speech until it was sent to me a few weeks ago by a friend in New Zealand. He\u2019d been given it, I assume, by Harry Burns, who was chief medical officer in Scotland and who saw and tried to respond to the terrible consequences for health of the closure of the Clydeside shipyards that Reid had fought so hard. Burns thinks that the destruction of a rich culture is the root of Glasgow\u2019s health problems<\/a>. My New Zealand friend thinks that there are great similarities between what happened to Glaswegians and Maori.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
A protest against the reorganisation of Clyde shipbuilders<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

 <\/p>\n

In his second paragraph Reid describes the consequences of alienation that Burns has seen in its full form:<\/p>\n

\u201cAlienation expresses itself in different ways by different people. It is to be found in what our courts often describe as antisocial behaviour of a section of the community. It is expressed by those young people who want to opt out of society, by drop outs, the so called maladjusted, those who seek to escape permanently from the reality of society through intoxicants and narcotics.\u201d<\/p>\n

This is how I tried to summarise what Burns said in 2013:<\/p>\n

\u201cWhat changed 40 years ago? Burns projected a picture from perhaps 60 years ago of workers streaming out of the shipyards. In the 19th century, and for much of the 20th, Glasgow built many of the world\u2019s ships. Helensburgh in the Firth of Clyde, where my wife comes from, boasts that in the heyday of shipbuilding on the Clyde it had more millionaires per square mile than Manhattan. More importantly, the shipyards provided tens of thousands of skilled, well paid jobs with purpose. Glaswegians were proud that they built the world\u2019s ships.<\/p>\n

“But then the shipyards closed. The most skilled moved to other cities that built ships. (My father in law spent five years in Japan.) Others developed new skills. But many were left unemployed in housing estates in the east end of Glasgow. Meaning had been taken from their lives. Their culture had been destroyed. People turned to drugs, drink, and violence.\u201d<\/p>\n

I\u2019m interested that in his talk Reid criticised intellectuals (the elite, as we now call them) for thinking that alienation was a new phenomenon. We are perhaps making the same mistake now. Reid thought, however, that it was more widespread in 1972 than in previous years. We think the same now, but perhaps what is happening in Britain and other countries now is that alienation is not as deep as it was for some in 1972 but is much more widespread, meaning that traditional political systems and parties are proving inadequate.<\/p>\n

Reid goes on in his speech to warn against hating anybody, even the hungriest capitalists he might have been expected to hate, and makes the simple, accurate, and too frequently forgotten observation that: \u201cReal fulfilment for any person lies in service to his fellow men and women.\u201d He continued: \u201cThe challenge we face is that of rooting out anything and everything that distorts and devalues human relations.\u201d This is a hard job for anybody and perhaps impossible for our current politicians with their limited powers and strict control from spin doctors. It certainly doesn\u2019t seem to be the mission of Donald Trump, Nigel Farage, and Marine Le Pen.<\/p>\n

Power must be decentralised, argues Reid, and if necessary new political structures must be created to allow people to be more involved in decision making. He would perhaps have approved of referendums, although not of the lies and shallow debate that accompany them. But he was about still more:<\/p>\n

\u201cOur aim must be the enrichment of the whole quality of life. It requires a social and cultural or, if you wish, a spiritualist transformation of our country . . . To unleash the latent potential of our people requires that we give them responsibility. The untapped resources of the North Sea are as nothing compared to the untapped resources of our people. I am convinced that the great mass of our people go through life without even a glimmer of what they could have contributed to their fellow human beings. This is a personal tragedy. It is a social crime. The flowering of each individual\u2019s personality and talents is the precondition for everyone\u2019s development.\u201d<\/p>\n

These admirable words with their emphasis on spiritual development and personal fulfilment reflect the Hippyish feel of the early 1970s (most of what we associate with the 60s happened in the 70s), and I suspect that Reid would have deplored the dominant individualisation of our age that neglects the solidarity he valued (and which has its vestiges in the NHS). Indeed, like a true Glaswegian he criticises Londoners for their emphasis on \u201cnumber one . . . as they say in London, \u2018Bang the bell, Jack, I\u2019m on the bus.’\u201d [I must confess that as a Londoner I\u2019ve never heard that phrase and it does not ring true.]<\/p>\n

In his speech Reid makes an appeal to the students in front of him that I wholeheartedly support:<\/p>\n

\u201cReject the insidious pressures in society that would blunt your critical faculties to all that is happening around you, that would caution silence in the face of injustice lest you jeopardise your chances of promotion or self-advancement. This is how it starts and before you know where you are, you\u2019re a fully paid up member of the rat pack. The price is too high. It entails the loss of your dignity and human spirit. Or as Christ put it, \u2018What doth it profit a man if he gain the whole world and suffer the loss of his soul?\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

Reid started as a communist, joined the Labour Party, then the Scottish Socialist Party [which came horribly unstuck], and finally the Scottish Nationalist Party in 2005. He died in 2010, but in his life he made a great speech that is simultaneously prophetic, of its time, and filled with deep values.<\/p>\n

Richard Smith<\/strong>\u00a0was the editor of\u00a0<\/em>The BMJ\u00a0until 2004.<\/em><\/p>\n

Competing interests:<\/strong>\u00a0None declared.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

When I read the paragraph that follows I thought how it accurately sums up how many people feel in 2017 and explains the political upheavals of 2016. But it was […]<\/p>\n

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